Following is the full text of Bulatlat’s interview with him:

What are your views on the Lozada exposés and their impact on public opinion?

The attempt of the Arroyo regime to silence Lozada by kidnapping him and the revelations that he has made have outraged the broad masses of the people and have offered the possibility of ousting the regime through the mass movement.

Do you think the present series of protest actions could eventually lead to President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s ouster?

The current series of protest actions are far from enough to oust the illegitimate and corrupt regime.

I have not yet seen even only 50,000 in Manila or Makati. I keep on wondering why Bayan is limited to only one column of marchers from only one assembly site like the Welcome Rotunda to Mendiola. I am not yet aware of build-up indoor and outdoor rallies that feed as many as six to ten assembly sites and big columns of marchers from different points in Metro Manila.

One hundred thousand demonstrators are the critical mass for persuading the military and police officers to withdraw support from the regime and for attracting several hundreds of thousands more of people to join the protest at the focal point.

I hope that Bayan and all other forces will do far better on Feb. 29 than on Feb. 25.

What, if any, are the “requirements” that still need to be met by the broad anti-Arroyo movement at this point before the rallies could lead to a People Power-like scenario?

The patriotic and progressive mass organizations must arouse, organize and mobilize the people as they did in the First Quarter Storm of 1970 and in the ouster of Marcos and Estrada in1986 and 2001. They must be able to bring together the organized masses and the far larger spontaneous masses in the urban poor communities and in the youth and labor sectors.

The anti-Arroyo allies must be persuaded to bring into play their own mass following.

The opposition mayors and other leaders in and near the National Capital Region need to be encouraged. The anti-Arroyo religious leaders need to realize their potential for mobilizing the people in the parishes.

Reinforcements can come from the masses in the provinces near the national capital region.

Vice President Noli de Castro and ousted President Joseph “Erap” Estrada have both expressed willingness to take over in the event that Arroyo is forced to step down; what can you say about this?

It is fine if Noli de Castro and Erap step up their opposition to the Arroyo regime.

At the same time, I am aware of the current sentiments among the military and police of the reactionary government. A triumvirate of the Supreme Court Chief Justice, the Senate President and the highest possible executive official to replace Arroyo could serve as caretaker leadership to supervise snap elections. This is the most acceptable scenario to the military and police officers who wish to withdraw support from the Arroyo regime upon sight of at least 100,000 protesters in Manila or Makati.

What do you foresee as prospects for a post-Arroyo leadership?

To consolidate its power, the post-Arroyo leadership in the reactionary government might try, at least for a while, to alleviate the grievous harm and pain that the Arroyo regime has inflicted on the people, seek the support of all patriotic and progressive forces and resume the peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines.

Do you think it is possible to expect a post-Arroyo leadership to effect major political and socio-economic reforms?

It is possible for such leadership to offer some major reforms if it is the grateful product of the broad united front or broad mass movement that ousts the Arroyo regime.

But if Arroyo continues to hold power up to 2010, she might even put up her own successor in order to assure herself of keeping her loot and preempting the prosecution of her crimes. In that case, the people would be further pushed to place their hopes on the armed revolutionary movement. (Bulatlat.com)

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